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10,000 Protest Internment 1971 - 2013 in Belfast

category international | rights, freedoms and repression | news report author Saturday August 17, 2013 16:50author by brionOcleirigh - AllVoices Report this post to the editors

Release Martin Corey

The anti-internment march in Belfast on 9th August 2013, was a welcome display of disciplined unity, against a most serious abuse of human rights, that the establishment parties in Ireland, either wish to ignore or damn with feint protest, while at the same time professing to be democrats, socialists or republicans. Up to 10,000 marchers stewarded by a variety of Irish Republican Socialists, Republicans and human rights organisations, marched from Ardoyne in the north of Belfast, until they they were stopped for approximately 2 hours by PSNI jeeps and thousands of fascist, rioting UVF and Orange Order members near the city centre.
Free Pussy Putin Release Martin Corey Counts
Free Pussy Putin Release Martin Corey Counts

When the human rights marchers pushed their way through the PSNI roadblock, they left the massed riot paramilitary police, with no choice but to clear a route for the protesters, to march through Carrick Hill, before joining with an anti-internment contingent waiting the arrival of comrades at Divis Street. Despite considerable delay, the people of West Belfast lined the march route cheering up to 10,000 anti-internment marchers, making a nonsense of counter revolutionary, press statements and disinformation earlier in the day, bizarrely condemning the 10,000 strong human rights march, as a 'dissident' parade! The march which was lined with well-wishers all along the route, as it made it's way through West Belfast to the Busy Bee Centre, a traditional rallying point for Republicans, where speeches were given by well known human rights figures.

In "THE POLITICS OF INTERNMENT 1971" John McGuffin wrote of the re-introduction of Internment in Occupied Ireland, as follows:

IN the mid-1960's people might have been forgiven for thinking that internment was a thing of the past. (True, the obnoxious Special Powers Acts were still on the Statute Book, but they were in abeyance). Such thinking was not to be right, however. The monolithic structure of Unionism proved incapable of reforming itself under the onslaught of the civil rights campaign. Terence O'Neill might have been able to save the Unionists with his pragmatic approach and his appreciation of the need for change, but their diehard 'not an inch' backwoodsmen would have none of it. And so the week of 12 – 16 August 1969 saw the old familiar pattern: a police force unable, and, in many cases unwilling,[1] to prevent the sectarian attack upon the Falls Road periphery, led in some cases by the B specials. That month was to see house burning, intimidation and murder – ten civilians dead, including a 9-year-old boy asleep in his bed, shot by a high-velocity Browning machine-gun used with murderous recklessness by the police in their Shorland armoured cars; 145 injured, hundreds of families burnt out of their homes, 90% of them Catholic. Free Derry was born that week. The barricades went up in Belfast. The first steps towards the irrevocable demise of Stormont were taken. And, predictably, men were detained, without charge or trial.

At 6.45 a.m. on 14 August, 28 Republicans were arrested and taken from their homes. As usual, no 'Loyalist' extremists or gunmen were arrested.
When the English Special Branch men arrived next month to sort out the RUC they asked for the files on all the 'terrorists'. They were handed the records, mostly out-of-date, on the IRA. "What about the UVF," they asked. "It doesn't exist," was the reply. "We have no records on Loyalists."
But this time it was not to be internment. The British army had had to be called in. Callaghan and Wilson had summoned Chichester Clark to Downing Street. The B men were 'phased out'. The Scarman Tribunal was set up. The Labour Government was tired of the old-fashioned traditional Unionist methods. Moreover, from behind the barricades a campaign was being mounted. Illegal radios proliferated. Street newspapers were born. The detainees were released after 17 to 20 days. The message should have been clear; internment should have no place in the 1970's.
But the Unionist hierarchy learn nothing from history. The gangling figure of Chichester Clark, the stand-in PM, shambled off into obscurity as 1970 and 1971 saw an escalation of the violence by the Provisional IRA, themselves a reaction to the attempted 'Loyalist' pogrom of 1969.

On 23 March 1971 Brian Arthur Deane Faulkner achieved his lifelong ambition and became PM. The English press warned that he was the 'last man in'. If he couldn't control the situation, direct rule was a certainty. But despite the obvious immensity of the task, Faulkner was confident.
This was the moment for which he had schemed, intrigued and betrayed, for so long. With a staggering record of disloyalty to previous PMs, he could hardly expect to be trusted or liked, but surely all could agree on his shrewdness and ability.

In fact, Faulkner's intelligence was always greatly over-rated by the media. And his biggest mistake was soon to come. The Sunday Times 'Insight' team claim[2]that "when he took over the issue was not whether internment was to come, but when and on what scale. By then Faulkner had been an advocate of internment inside Chichester Clark's Joint Security Committee, for six months." Whether this is true or not, and on balance it seems a reasonable statement, it is certain that Faulkner had completely failed to learn the lesson of how and when internment 'worked'. He had been Minister for Home Affairs in 1959 under Brookeborough, and, with the help of his trusty aide, the civil servant William Stout, he bad been responsible for the implementation of internment, which he apparently felt to be responsible for the defeat of the IRA border campaign. As is made clear already, this just was not so. The campaign failed, for lack of popular support, and, most important, the internees could languish in Crumlin because there was no campaign to get them released.

Nevertheless, one of Faulkner's first actions upon becoming Northern Ireland's last PM was to order the RUC Special Branch to work with the Director of Military Intelligence at Lisburn in drawing up a list of those Catholics who should be interned. The army were unhappy. General Tuzo, the GOC in Northern Ireland since February 1971, consistently opposed internment, believing, rightly, as it turned out, that they could not get the right people. But as the violence escalated, Faulkner became more and more insistent. On 9 July he telephoned Heath. "I must be able to intern now" he demanded. Accordingly, with some reluctance, a 'dry run' was agreed upon. At dawn on 23 July, 1,800 troops and RUC raided Republican houses throughout the province, searching for documents. They got enough to encourage them. The decision to intern was only a matter of time then, despite army objections.

The position was complicated by the mistrust and, in some cases, downright hostility between the army and the RUC. As the Sunday Times team put it: "The army believed the police list was politically motivated, and the police believed that the army's list showed inadequate local knowledge." Both were correct. Some sections of the army had favoured a small internment in the spring of 1971, with only 50 or 60 men being lifted. They had been overruled. Now the task was to be much greater.
The list had more than 500 names on it. Of these only 120 or 130 were gunmen or officers in the IRA. The vast majority were regarded either as 'Fellow-travelling sympathisers' or troublesome political activists – like PD socialists. The police contribution was the names and addresses of former internees. But Faulkner was determined. At the Joint Security Committee meeting at Stormont, Shillington, the Chief Constable, agreed with Tuzo that internment would not work. That made no difference. Faulkner secretly flew to London that afternoon. There he convinced the Cabinet. Tuzo could offer no alternative. Maudling was his usual indolent self. Whitelaw said nothing. Internment without trial was acquiesced to.

The date was set for 10 Augnst. On Sunday 7 August, however, Harry Thornton, an innocent building worker, was driving his car past Springfield Road barracks when it backfired. Soldiers opened up and killed him. His friend Murphy was dragged from the car, covered with Thornton's blood, and savagely beaten by police and army. Within minutes the people of Clonard went wild. The fighting went on all night but had died down the next day. But the army were taking no chances. At midnight on Sunday the order went out: operation internment was brought forward 24 hours. Brian Faulkner had unwittingly signed himself his own political death warrant – and that of Stormont, too.

Related Link:

Caption: Anti Internment Republican March Attacked By Loyalists

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Sun Aug 18, 2013 11:07author address author phone Report this post to the editors

An Irish Human Rights activist and journalist covering the internment of Martin Corey in British Occupied Ireland, is seeking Political Asylum in Russia, after he received a threat, relayed by agents aligned with Britain's secret services. The journalist who wishes to remain anonymous for security reasons, has been told that he will be whacked or assassinated by a British paramilitary unit called Group 13, whose sole purpose is deniable assassination, operating in a world of shadows. Little is known about them, because they and their activities are exceptionally difficult to document. The Group is also suspected of being involved in the assassination of the Princess of Wales.

Author of “Enemies of the State,” Gary Murray, who researched Group 13 for a book but was prevented from writing it. During his research, he was dragged into the back of a van, and had a gun stuck to his mouth. He was told, it would be unwise to continue after which he decided to abandon writing the book.

Group 13 evolved from SAS soldiers and British Secret Service operatives, who were given hands on experience in the counter insurgency political laboratory of British Occupied Ireland, from the late nineteen seventies onward. Starting with Fredrick Holroyd, a Captain in British Army Intelligence, who focused on developing informers and human intelligence sources, connected with the IRA. Resulting viscous turf wars between MI5 and MI6, to control the highly lucrative“patch” of British Occupied Ireland complicated matters considerably.

Holroyd shed considerable light on Britain's dirty war and “Shoot to Kill” policies in Occupied Ireland, which resulted in the dysfunctional investigation of senior police officer, John Stalker. This was also covered in the feature film Hidden Agenda.To cover deployment in this politically sensitive area, they disguised themselves as “training teams,” with cover names like, the Royal Engineers, the Four Field Survey Troop, the Military Reconnaissance Force (MRF), and the 14th Intelligence unit.

All were SAS undercover units stationed principally at Castiledillon, Armagh. Right wing groups operating in the shadows of power, planned a right wing coup. These groups some based in Mid- Ulster, were given unofficial political cover for British State Terrorism, by the Tory Government of Margaret Thatcher, others named GB75, organised by David Sterling, founder of the SAS were operating alongside other groups who have close contact with British Secret Services, from which they still receive some unofficial cover.

Another mysterious group called Resistance and Psychological Operations Committee RPOC was based on material researched, during the torture of Martin Corey and his comrades, when tortured during Long Kesh internment in British Occupied Ireland. RPOC was a reflection of the Special Operations Executive SOE, a dirty tricks operation. RPOC have a clandestine underground movement, operating on a nod and a wink of the Conservative government, with forged close links to British Secret Services and also close links with the SAS. Little is known of the Tory SAS’s secret intelligence network, other than being tasked, with protecting the SAS, who’s lives may be under threat, as a result of their activities. The Irish journalist believes a contract has been put out on him, after this SAS secretive group had mopped on another freelance assassination team sent to kill other Irish human rights activists. “Mopping up” meaning killing members of the original assassination squad.

Elements within this group also evolved to become Group 13. Highly unofficial but desirable to players within the Tory government. Responsible for British political assassinations in Occupied Ireland and worldwide they have right wing agenda. The best known being the SAS in a “wet operation” murder of an unarmed IRA unit in Gibraltar, which led to the TV documentary Death on the Rock, based on eye-witnesses who testified, that the three members were gunned down in cold blood, which in the context of what was happening in Ireland during this period, was part of a shoot-to-kill-policy. meant to 'sanitize' the republican movement, prior to negotiations proper. Gene “Chip” Tatum a former CIA operative and former member of the international assassination team Pegasus, targeting influential international politicians and financiers, alleges that the British assassins, operated during the mid-eighties onward, under the direction of a high ranking British government official, who in turn answered only to Thatcher.

Connections between Group Thirteen and the United States intelligence community during the alleged assassination of Vincent Foster, associate and legal adviser to President Clinton, existed around a highly secret US assassination team, operating out of the National Security Agency NSA. This unit is called “I-3,” with the information on this unit, provided by a “former CIA agent with the CIA’s highest security clearance.” The NSA unit just happens to share a common name with “Group 13” and just happens to be in the same business?

Despite all the smoke and mirrors surrounding Group 13, significant information came to light after the Scott Enquiry into arms to Iraq. Gerald James a leading British munitions manufacturer has written of group 13 in his book In the Public Interest, blowing the lid off the British government's arming of Iraq’s Saddam Hussein. James believes his removal from the Board of Astra, was orchestrated by non-executive director Stephan Kock, a self acknowledged former Security and Intelligence officer in the employ of Midland Bank.

In written evidence presented to the House of Commons Trade and Industry Committee, James stated that he was told, that Kock was “… a former head of ‘Group 13.’ The organisation is a hit or contract squad for the Foreign Office and Secret Services.” The Foreign Office draws Group 13 operatives from the SAS and private security firms,” and “It’s duties involve ‘service to the nation.’” Polite language for British State terrorism. Kock had exceptionally senior level contacts inside British intelligence including ready access to the highest levels of the British government, including the British Prime Minister.

Dr. Gerald Bull - designer of the Supergun , who was shot outside his apartment in Brussels, a few months before his assassination, writing to a colleague, stated he was “advised in a letter of an imminent accident.” He identified the origin of the threat as being the British Foreign Office. This then is the background of the application to Russia for political asylum by the Irish journalist.

Under Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which states that "Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution." The United Nations 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees guides national legislation concerning political asylum. Under these agreements, a refugee is a person who is outside their own country's territory owing to fear of persecution on protected grounds. Protected grounds include race, caste, nationality, religion, political opinions and membership and/or participation in any particular social group or social activities. Rendering true victims of persecution to their persecutor is a particularly odious violation of a principle called non-refoulement, part of the customary and trucial Law of Nations.These are the accepted terms and criteria as principles and a fundamental part in the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees non-refoulement order

Unofficially he has been told that it is expected he will be allowed a temporary Russian visa while an asylum application is formally considered. Hopefully,Vladimir Putin will refuse to hand him over to the British.The Irish journalist hopes to make a permanent home in Nicaragua, in South America but the UK has ordered all countries to hand him over to the UK. In order to get asylum, the journalist has to prove a well-founded fear, which in his case means he has at least a 10 percent chance of being murdered by the British, for highlighting the Human Rights Abuse of internment without trial in British Occupied Ireland.

Then he has to give an account of political opinion, race, religion, nationality or group membership. In the case of political opinion, it will in his case be as a human rights activist, in the Police Dictatorship and British State Terrorism of British Occupied Ireland, where political assassination or internment without trial, are regularly used, against all Irish political dissidents of conscience. Several other countries including Spain, Ireland and Ecuador, have said that his asylum requests can’t be processed, because he is presently not in their country currently. However he feels that Group 13 operate openly there anyway. On Friday Daniel Ortega looked like the best option. However currently Russia offer superior quality Human Rights, despite the imprisonment of Pussy Riot. along with having considerably more diplomatic clout than the British, who besides interning Irish political prisoners of conscience, have also kidnapped international whistle blowers of war crimes, such as Julian Assange.

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author by W. Finnertypublication date Sun Aug 18, 2013 13:19author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Thanks for the "Group 13" information Brion.

It's the first time I've ever heard of them (by that particular name).

"It is the number that carries the most occult significance.  Throughout Europe it has historically been regarded as an ill omen.  In Norse mythology, the number 13 often signifies death.  Today, in the United Kingdom, there exists a paramilitary unit called Group13.  The sole purpose of this ultra secretive unit is deniable assassination and it operates in the world of shadows.  So little is known about them, that it is exceptionally hard to document its activities with any certainty."

The above excerpt has come from:

Google List #1:
"British paramilitary unit called Group 13 ..."

Google List #2:
"Murder of Human Rights Lawyers Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, government corruption, crime, cover ups, and IMPUNITY, Ireland ..."

=== === ===

Related Excerpt #9:  from related registered letter dated October 16th 2010 to UK Prime Minister David Cameron MP ...

'Unfortunately, I have (at the present time) no reason to believe that any of the issues I have raised in my July 22nd 2010 registered letter to you (referred to above) are being investigated by the Northern Ireland Social Security Agency: despite the fact that the issues in question include (among other things) problems relating to impunity of the kind referred to in the following piece of text (which I have copied from ):

"Impunity means the impossibility, de jure or de facto, of bringing the perpetrators of violations to account - whether in criminal, civil, administrative or disciplinary proceedings - since they are not subject to any inquiry that might lead to their being accused, arrested, tried and, if found guilty, sentenced to appropriate penalties, and to making reparations to their victims".'

The excerpt just above has been taken from the message-text of the registered letter referred to (to UK Prime Minister David Cameron MP) at the following www location:

=== === ===

The excerpt in the section immediately above has come from a registered letter I sent to Republic of Ireland Health Minister Dr James Reilly TD on May 28th 2013, which he -- and ALL of the several of his Government colleagues that e-mail versions of the registered letter text in question was sent to -- appear to be COMPLETELY IGNORING (with 100% impunity!!).

Scanned copies of the the May 28th 2013 registered letter (and associated e-mail) to Dr Reilly, together with scanned copies of the associated Post Office receipts and delivery notification can be viewed at:

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Sun Aug 18, 2013 21:24author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Here is the speech delivered by McGuinness in full:

When people mention the town of Balinamore, they inevitably mention John Joe McGirl.
John Joe epitomised everything that is good about our struggle.
Be it his involvement in the IRA in the 1930s, to his leadership role in the Border Campaign, or his election to Leinster House, or his key part in reorganising Republicanism in the early 1970s, or his decisive contribution in 1986, John Joe always led from the front.
He was, and he remains for Republicans, not just here in Leitrim, or the border, but across our country, an inspirational leader.
25 years on from the time we laid John Joe to rest he continues to inspire.
Why is this?
It is because John Joe knew about struggle.
He knew about strategy.
He knew what it meant to carry the burden and the responsibility leadership and he knew that at all time the struggle needed to move forward.
He also knew about our past – but he was never a hostage to it.
He was a County Councillor from 1960 up until the time of his death, during years when for some Republicans electoralism was a bad word.
Not for John Joe. He knew that popularising our struggle and making it relevant to people was the way we would bring about Irish reunification and freedom.
He didn’t fear carrying the Republican message of freedom and justice and peace into political institutions – indeed it was John Joe and people like him who led the way for the people like me coming behind him.
Partition was an injustice and it was an injustice that John Joe committed his entire adult life to ending.
And it is an injustice that we remain committed to ending today.
The past few weeks have not been good weeks for the political process in the north.
The peace process needs political leaders with the skills and craft of John Joe McGirl at this time.
Political unionism needs to realise that nothing can be gained by continually feeding the insatiable appetite of those who see life through a red, white and blue prism. They are violently opposed to this process because at the heart of it they are opposed to Equality.
History is littered with unionist leaders who made this mistake.
I have never been selective in condemning and challenging violent attacks on the peace process from whatever quarter. I do not look over my shoulder, my face and the face of this party is firmly focused on the future.
And I believe that the future will be better than the past.
The history of our Peace Process tells any observer one thing.
When Republicans make agreements – we implement them.
This week’s decision by the DUP to abandon the agreement reached on the future development of the Maze/Long Kesh site is a mistake.
It is a mistake not just because it jeopardises much needed investment and jobs, but also for the message it sends to the vast majority of people –nationalist and unionist – who are rock solid behind the peace process.
Some in the extremes of political unionism believe that they can unpick Good Friday Agreement. Moves like this give them succour.
However it ignores the political reality and ignores the fact that the vast majority of unionists want to see this process succeed. They are not interested in re-fighting battles that are long over, or harking back to a time that has long gone.
They want to see their political leaders get on with the job of reconciliation and delivering in the government.
They are embarrassed by the antics of the thugs who attacked the police in recent weeks in Belfast while wrapped in the Union flag.
The Orange State that I grew up in is gone – and most sensible unionists realise that is a good thing - it is time that political unionism woke up to this reality.
So the choice for unionism is very clear – come a share power on the basis of equality and real partnership – and when you do that you will find genuine nationalist and republican partners – or pander to rejectionists who abhor equality, fairness and parity of esteem.
Richard Haas will come to Ireland next month to chair all-party discussions. We will approach these talks with the objective of advancing the peace process and further underpinning the political institutions.
We want to see agreement on parades, on flags and emblems and on dealing with the legacy of the past. The Haas talks are not about replacing the Parades Commission to satisfy the demands of the Orange Order.
I am entirely comfortable with unionists seeking to express a British identity in a sensible and non-confrontational fashion.
Likewise I expect them to acknowledge and recognise my Irishness in the same spirit. I do not believe that is too much to ask or expect.
The Haas talks can succeed if everyone approaches them in this spirit.
Confidence in the political process can be built. Progress on difficult issues can be made. But we cannot do this on our own. There needs to be unionists who are willing to be partners in peace.
John Joe McGirl would have understood well the events of the past month. He would not have been surprised.
He would also have understood well the plight of many young people across this island, especially in this region, once again facing the prospect of emigration.
Partition has distorted the economy of this and other areas.
The best way for the people of Leitrim to honour the memory of John Joe McGirl is to work harder to deliver on what he worked for – a real Republic, a united Ireland based on the principles of equality and social justice for all. For counties like Leitrim and towns like Ballinmore, all-Ireland cooperation is key to economic development and job creation.
For the republicans of Leitrim, I would say that if you wish to ensure John Joe McGirl’s legacy is maintained and built upon you need to build and organise Sinn Féin throughout this county and increase the party’s representation at all levels.
That is the path John Joe set us on 60 years ago. It is a path which offers a peaceful and democratic way to a United Ireland.
There are Local and European elections next year. This provides a real opportunity to increase the Sinn Fein representation on Leitrim County council and to elect a Sinn Féin MEP in the north west constituency.
I would call on the people of Ballinamore and of Leitrim to get behind the Sinn Féin EU candidate Matt Carthy. It’s time to put a voice into Europe that will stand up for the ordinary people of this region.
In 1957 at the gravesides of those killed at Edentubber, John Joe McGirl said “The tragedy which brought to a sudden end the lives of five great Irishmen is a tragedy of the Irish nation, the tragedy of an Ireland that is unfree and divided. These men came from the North and the South to join together to end the tragedy of our nation and her people.’
This generation of Irish Republicans have ended the conflict, we have put in place a political process and strategy which can end partition, division and inequality.
We need to always move ahead along that road. I believe that we are up to the task. We have an opportunity to realise the objective for which John Joe dedicated his life.
A united, independent Irish Republic is not rhetoric for us, it is a real and live political project which, if we are prepared to work hard and win even more people to our objective, will be achieved. That is a responsibility we all share.

Long Kesh Concentration Camp
Long Kesh Concentration Camp

Caption: Anti Internment March August 9th 2013

Related Link:
author by W. Finnertypublication date Mon Aug 19, 2013 09:25author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"From 1989 to 1993, Haass was Special Assistant to United States President George H. W. Bush and National Security Council Senior Director for Near East and South Asian Affairs. In 1991, Haass received the Presidential Citizens Medal for helping to develop and explain U.S. policy during Operation Desert Shield and Operation Desert Storm. Previously, he served in various posts in the Department of State (1981–85) and the Department of Defense (1979–80)."

The above excerpt is from:

Related Google Link:
"Richard N. Haass, IRA ..."

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Mon Aug 19, 2013 11:21author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Well William this is one of the first articles om Mr Haas at that link.

"U.S. Envoy Puts Peace-Plan Onus on I.R.A.

Published: April 12, 2003
President Bush's special envoy to Northern Ireland, Richard N. Haass, said tonight that it was up to the Irish Republican Army to make a ''historic transformation'' to rescue the province's stalemated peace plan.

Mr. Haas made his comments after flying to Belfast to hold crisis talks with Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, leaders of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the I.R.A., after the draft of a long-awaited pledge by the guerrilla group to abandon its war fell far short of expectations.

The unwillingness of the I.R.A. to make a clear declaration, disclosed to the British government on Wednesday, forced Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Irish counterpart, Bertie Ahern, to abandon a much heralded joint appearance in Belfast on Thursday, the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Northern Ireland peace agreement.

The two leaders were to present a negotiated final plan for restoring the province's power-sharing government that addressed Sinn Fein demands aimed at securing a swift indication that the I.R.A. would call a halt to its operations, including recruitment, training, intelligence gathering, arms procurement and punishment attacks, and carry out a visible act of destroying its weapons."

Now, I don't know about you but one of the issues that is continuing to cause the injustice that is undermining the Peace Process, is the Weston Park agreement, with regard to prisoner issues. The first thing that genuine republican negotiators need to be aware of is, that professional negotiators, negotiate up not down like the experienced British do.

The second like the above referenced article, "the unwillingness of the British to make a clear declaration," resolving all prisoner and on the run issues, is part of the problem. If there is doubt about the ability or good faith of the negotiators, they need to be replaced by professional ones. Adams and Co. also need to remember that they are not just negotiating for themselves but ALL the Irish people. The political platform they were given to replace armed struggle,, was not meant for a few subservient few, mentored, republicans but for everyone who contributed to the struggle.

If they want a long lasting peace like all sane people of good will do and not simply a politically expedient temporary one, them you don't have to be particularly bright, to recognize that it must have as much justice as possible and be as inclusive as possible, to make it last. There are many parties around the process who are putting selfish, vested interests, ahead of a lasting Peace, based on Justice. This is criminal and far too serious a matter to let happen again.

The lack of reference to internment by McGuinness in his speech, on its 42 anniversary while addressing the 'Maze" known by Irish republicans as 'Long Kesh" issue, demonstrates just how far Provisional Sinn Fein has moved from its Republican working class origins, which does not bode well that Irish or Justice interests will be served properly at any further negotiations. Irish People need to kick and kick hard before any talks, sooner rather than later or they will be betrayed once again.

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author by W. Finnertypublication date Mon Aug 19, 2013 13:40author address author phone Report this post to the editors

As a close associate of George W. Bush (as far as I know?) it seems safe (to me) to assume that the politics of Richard N. Haass will be the same -- more or less -- as those of George W. Bush, which in turn very likely means:

1) Mr Haass is probably a die-hard supporter of the fascist/totalitarian banksters (just like George W Bush and his "Daddy", and his "Grand Daddy" who helped finance Adolf Hitler) are well known to be (and to have been in the case of "Grand Daddy" Bush);

2) With the Blair/Bush UNLAWFUL invasion of Iraq in mind, that the following UN statement on impunity (taken from would make both of them puke profusely, after, that is, they recovered from fits of laughter that such UN ideas might well initially arouse in them:

"Impunity means the impossibility, de jure or de facto, of bringing the perpetrators of violations to account - whether in criminal, civil, administrative or disciplinary proceedings - since they are not subject to any inquiry that might lead to their being accused, arrested, tried and, if found guilty, sentenced to appropriate penalties, and to making reparations to their victims".'

Constitutional republicanism (using well-informed "people power") has to FIRST overcome the fascist totalitarianism of the banksters by peaceful and lawful means, and the ONLY way that can be done (that I know of) is - - FIRST THINGS FIRST -- through the PRACTICAL application of the set of government money-supply principles associated with the following phrase former US President Abraham Lincoln used (which he proved worked by his winning of the American Civil War in the 1860s) for the purpose of bringing the banksters down from off the "high hoses" they are at present strutting around much of the world on:

"Democracy will rise superior to the money power."

Additional information on the set of government money-supply principles in question can be found in the e-mail I sent to Chief Justice Susan Denham on December 13th 2013 titled "There is no alternative cure": a copy of which can be viewed at the following www location :

Related Indymedia (Ireland) piece of text (from titled "Unification of Ireland":

'Correctly or otherwise, I believe that the results of having a genuine democratic republic in the Twenty-Six Counties (centred around the Article 6.1 principles of Bunreacht na hEireann) might prove to be so good, if a genuine democratic republic could be achieved here -- and sustained in a stable way for some time, as a matter of fact that is -- that the majority of "the people" in the Six Counties of Ireland might soon decide that they also want to have something very similar?'

Related Link:
"George W Bush, government corruption, crime, cover ups, impunity, William Finnerty ..."

author by in the lightpublication date Fri Aug 23, 2013 20:22author address author phone Report this post to the editors

The peace rocess is going nowhere and has achieved few or none of its main objectives because of the Orange Order's opposition.
Many DUP MLAs are members of the Loyal Orders and have sworn to prevent any advancement of Catholics in NI society.
The only way to break their stranglehold is by UK/Eire joint sovreignty/governance of NI. Read about it at

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