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The Irish Political Internment Experience

category international | rights, freedoms and repression | opinion/analysis author Sunday June 02, 2013 00:33author by Brian Clarke - AllVoices Report this post to the editors

Context Marian Price and Martin Corey

In the wake of the internment of Marian Price, which I believe over the last two years, can generally be agreed, to have been a form of internment because it lacked a proper, transparent trial, in a timely manner. I also believe it can be generally agreed by reasonable informed people, to have been a major setback, to what is known as the peace process in Ireland. I personally have neither been a proponent of this process or have believed it will achieve traditional Irish republican aspirations but I accept very reluctantly, it is a reality, delivered by a leadership with elements of competency, without wholesale fratricidal, blood letting.
Martin Corey
Martin Corey

There is an old expression, that the three long term curses of the Irish, are the English, drink and religion. From bitter personal experience I would agree, that recovery is not an overnight process, no more than a lasting peace based on justice is. The main problem accompanying the above three curses, are that to live or survive in such an environment, requires a lot of secrecy lies and generally many unhealthy, dishonest, subservient habits.

The current British occupation in Ireland, requires a considerable amount of draconian secrecy, under their Official Secrets Act and all the variations that ensues, with secret internment without trial, secret courts, and a feral secret service. This form of repression in Ireland has always been met with resistance, including physical force. To sustain resistance over any given time also requires considerable secrecy, 'rough justice,' along with violence to oppose the British Imperial violence of invasion, None of this is compatible with the necessary basic justice, that is a critical requirement of peace. Those who call for peace without this basic justice, are disingenuous and often do so from a vested interest, class based privilege. However equally, it must be also said, that after 800 years of traditional struggle, we have made little progress with our methods towars our goals.

It has been stated by experienced genuine revolutionaries, that we have a moral responsibility, to try every possible means of resistance, before the last resort of armed struggle. It is my own experience, reluctant opinion and conclusion, from bitter personal experience, that a long term campaign of guerrilla warfare, is not sustainable, successfully, in the culture of the small island of often socially incestuous, contemporary, Ireland. There are a myriad of reasons which at this point in time, would to take too long to explain this peoperly.It does however merit, considerable honest debate and discussion by genuine people, particularly of no property in Ireland.

Experience is the best teacher, but a fool will learn from no other. - Benjamin Franklin

This appears to be a very harsh statement but again from I personal experience, I have to agree. So what then is a serious alternative, to physical force politics, state terrorism and reactionary violence. I personally believe that in this age of the internet, in the absence of overbearing malign censorship,we have a tool to win our aspirations, albeit slowly and with considerable patience. Patience is for me, the best definition of the often abused word of love. Love is patient. There are many examples is Irish history, of heroic love for our island expressed by our sons and daughters. Probably the most famous recent, well known example being the death of twelve Irish hunger strikers in the present phase of struggle, there being a total of twenty two altogether. Our success depends on coming from love rather than hate, again easier said than done in an outside, mentored political environment of tit for tat divide and conquer.

It is difficult to refuse to rise to the bait of provocation and infuriating for me personally at times, as someone who sees religion, as a big part of the problem, to recognize that certain truths expressed in the Good Book, correspond perfectly with my own experience of baby steps towards the solution. The Book states, that no greater love had anyone, than to lay down their life for their friend. It also states that the truth will set us free. I believe personally, that under present circumstances, despite draconian censorship and repression, we have responsibility to try the truth rather than live by the sword. Many say the truth is is the most powerful thing on the face of this planet and personally from my own experience, I would have to agree.

Many will say on a class basis, that all of thsi it is easy to say, for someone relatively comfortable, than to have such patience, in the face of murderous imperialism and dire poverty on their doorstep. From personal experience I agree but we do have an alternative and I believe a moral responsibility, for those with potential leadership qualities, to seriously try, before resorting to armed struggle. Contemporary experience demonstrates, that terrorism begets terrorism, be it British state terrorism or reactionary violence. Having stated all of this, I believe there is a tipping point in any mass movement, with a mandate of overwhelming mass support, where there a responsibility lies with the leadership, to take the levers of power for the people, with as little bloodshed as possible.

The Truth will Set us Free in a Society as Sick as its Secrets

For those of you out there who disagree, and wish to demonstrate to me the errors of my ways, you are very welcome to do so. In the meantime I will do my best with these attempts on the internet to walk the talk. I believe every element of traditional Irish republicanism, even the Gerry Adams' flock can teach me something, so I will be quoting you. I have to say, as a non-member of Republican Sinn Fein that their traditional document, 'Eire Nua' is the best blueprint I have found, as a democratic way forward to the solution.

Going back again to the Marian Price saga, I believe Gerry Adams made a very rational remark, in the wake of Marian's release from internment. “The logic of today’s release is that Martin Corey should also befreed," Provisional Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams. In the interest of not inflaming passions further and making a serious effort to underpin a serious Peace Process with justice, the onus is on all of us, not to just pay lip service a superficial peace. This will require serious commitment, patience, tenacity and many volunteers.

To remain honest with you, it is my belief , that the status of British Occupied Ireland, cannot sustain itself in the contest of the small island of Ireland, without supremacist outsiders, engineering the cancer of sectarianism heaped on top of their class based system of inherited privilege and monarchy. I challenge them to prove me wrong. In the meantime I will try to walk the talk by quoting below an article from Wikipedia about the experience of internment being used in Ireland, in the context of trying to learn with Martin Corey's current internment without a proper trial. - Brian Clarke

" Operation Demetrius
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Operation Demetrius
Part of The Troubles and Operation Banner

The entrance to Compound 19, one of the sections of Long Kesh internment camp
Location Northern Ireland

Objective Arrest of suspected Irish republicanparamilitaries
Date 9–10 August 1971
04:00 – ? (UTC+01:00)
Executed by British Army
Royal Ulster Constabulary
Outcome 342 people arrested and interned
7,000 civilians displaced
Casualties (see below)

The Troubles

Operation Demetrius was a British Army operation in Northern Ireland on 9–10 August 1971, during The Troubles. It involved the mass arrest andinternment (without trial) of 342 people suspected of being involved with Irish republican paramilitaries (the Provisional IRA and Official IRA). Armed soldiers launched dawn raids throughout Northern Ireland, sparking four days of rioting that killed 20 civilians, two Provisional IRA members and two British soldiers. About 7,000 people fled their homes, of which roughly 2,500 fled south of the border. No loyalist paramilitaries were included in the sweep and many of those who were arrested had no links with republican paramilitaries, which caused much anger. The policy of internment was to last until December 1975 and during that time 1,981 people were interned.[1] Its introduction, and the abuse of those interned, led to numerous protests and a sharp increase in violence. The interrogation techniques used on the internees were described by the European Commission of Human Rights in 1976 as "torture", but theEuropean Court of Human Rights ruled on appeal in 1978 that while the techniques were "inhuman and degrading", they did not constitute torture.[2]

1 Planning
2 Legal basis
3 The operation and its immediate aftermath
4 Long-term effects
5 Effects on domestic and international law
5.1 Parker Report
5.2 European Commission of Human Rights
5.3 European Court of Human Rights
6 References


Internment was re-introduced on the orders of the then Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, Brian Faulkner. The policy of internment had been used a number of times during Northern Ireland's (and the Republic of Ireland's) history.

In the case brought to the European Commission of Human Rights by the Irish Government against the United Kingdom, it was conceded that Operation Demetrius was planned and implemented from the highest levels of the British Government and that specially trained personnel were sent to Northern Ireland to familiarize the local forces in what became known as the 'five techniques', described by opponents as "a euphemism for torture".[3]

On the initial list of those to be arrested, which was drawn up by RUC Special Branch and MI5, there were 450 names, but only 350 of these were able to be arrested. Key figures on the lists, and many who never appeared on them, were warned before the swoop began. It included leaders of the non-violent civil rights movement such as Ivan Barr and Michael Farrell. But, as Tim Pat Coogan noted,

What they did not include was a single Loyalist. Although the UVF had begun the killing and bombing, this organisation was left untouched, as were other violent Loyalist satellite organisations such as Tara, the Shankill Defence Associationand the Ulster Protestant Volunteers. It is known that Faulkner was urged by the British to include a few Protestants in the trawl but he refused.[4]

It was agreed to introduce internment at a meeting between Faulkner and UK Prime Minister Edward Heath in August 5, 1971. The British cabinet recommended, “balancing action”, such as the arrest of loyalist militants, the calling in of weapons held by (generally unionist) rifle clubs in Northern Ireland and the indefinite ban on parades, particularly those by the Orange Order. However Faulkner argued that a ban on parades was unworkable, the gun clubs posed no security risk and there was no evidence of loyalist terrorism. It was eventually agreed that there would be a six-month ban on parades but no targeting of loyalists and that internment would go ahead on August 9, in an operation carried out by the Army.[5]
Legal basis [edit]

The internments were initially carried out under Regulations 11 and 12 of 1956 and Regulation 10 of 1957 (the Special Powers Regulations), made under the authority of the Special Powers Act. The Detention of Terrorists Order of 7 November 1972, made under the authority of the Temporary Provisions Act, was used after direct rule was instituted.
The operation and its immediate aftermath [edit]

The HMS Maidstone, a prison ship docked at Belfast where many internees were sent

Operation Demetrius began on Monday 9 August at about 4AM.

The operation was in two parts:
(1) Arrest and movement of the detainees to one of three regional holding centers: Girdwood in Belfast, Ballykinler in County Down, or Magilligan in County Londonderry.
(2) The process of identification and questioning, leading either to release of the detainee or movement into detention at Crumlin Road prison or aboard the HMS Maidstone, aprison ship in Belfast Harbor.[6]

In the first wave of raids across Northern Ireland, 342 people were arrested.[7] Many of those arrested reported that they and their families were assaulted, verbally abused and threatened by the soldiers. There were claims of soldiers smashing their way into houses without warning and firing rubber bullets through doors and windows. Many of those arrested also reported being ill-treated during their detention. They complained of being beaten, verbally abused, threatened, harassed by dogs, denied sleep, and starved. Specific humiliations included being forced to run a gauntlet of baton-wielding soldiers, having their heads forcefully shaved, being kept naked, being burnt with cigarettes, having a sack placed over their heads for long periods, having a rope kept around their necks, having the barrel of a gun pressed against their heads, being dragged by the hair, being trailed behind armored vehicles while barefoot, and being tied to armored trucks as a human shield.[8][9]

The operation sparked an immediate upsurge of violence, which was said to be the worst since the August 1969 riots.[7] The British Army came under sustained attack from Irish nationalist/republican rioters and gunmen, especially in Belfast. According to journalistKevin Myers: "Insanity seized the city. Hundreds of vehicles were hijacked and factories were burnt. Loyalist and IRA gunmen were everywhere".[10] People blocked roads and streets with burning barricades to stop the British Army entering their neighborhoods. InDerry, barricades were again erected around Free Derry and "for the next 11 months these areas effectively seceded from British control".[11] Between 9 and 11 August, 24 people were killed or fatally wounded: 20 civilians (14 Irish Catholics, 6 Protestants), two members of the Provisional IRA, shot dead by the British Army, and two members of the British Army, shot dead by the Provisional IRA.[12]

A mural commemorating those killed in theBallymurphy Massacre during Operation Demetrius

Of the civilians killed, 17 were killed by the British Army and the other three were killed by unknown attackers.[12] In West Belfast's Ballymurphy housing estate, 11 Irish Catholic civilians were killed by the British Army between 9 and 11 August in an episode that has become known as the Ballymurphy Massacre. Another flashpoint was Ardoyne in North Belfast, where soldiers shot dead three people on 9 August.[12] Many Protestant families fled Ardoyne and about 200 burnt their homes as they left, lest they "fall into Catholic hands".[13] Protestant and Catholic families fled "to either side of a dividing line, which would provide the foundation for the permanent peaceline later built in the area".[10] Catholic homes were burnt in Ardoyne and elsewhere too.[13] About 7000 people, most of them Catholic, were left homeless.[13] About 2500 Catholic refugees fled south of the border, where newrefugee camps were set up.[13]

By 13 August, media reports indicated that the violence had begun to wane, seemingly due to exhaustion on the part of the IRA and security forces.[14]

On 15 August, the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) announced that it was starting a campaign of civil disobedience in response to the introduction of internment. By 17 October, it was estimated that about 16,000 households were withholding rent and rates for council houses as part of the campaign of civil disobedience.[7]

On 16 August, over 8000 workers went on strike in Derry in protest at internment. Joe Cahill, then Chief of Staff of the Provisional IRA, held a press conference during which he claimed that only 30 Provisional IRA members had been interned.[7]

On 22 August, in protest against internment, about 130 non-Unionist councillors announced that they would no longer sit on district councils. The SDLP also withdrew its representatives from a number of public bodies.[7] On 19 October, five Northern Ireland Members of Parliament (MPs) began a 48-hour hunger strike against internment. The protest took place near 10 Downing Street in London. Among those taking part were John Hume, Austin Currie, and Bernadette Devlin.[7] Protests would continue until internment was ended in December 1975.
Long-term effects [edit]

Anti-internment mural in the Bogside area of Derry

The backlash against internment contributed to the decision of the British Government under Prime Minister Edward Heath to suspend the Northern Ireland Government and replace it with direct rule from Westminster, under the authority of a British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

Following the resignation of the Government of Northern Ireland and the prorogation of theParliament of Northern Ireland in 1972, internment was continued by the direct ruleadministration until 5 December 1975. During this time a total of 1,981 people were interned: 1,874 were from a Catholic or Irish nationalist background, while 107 were from a Protestant or Ulster loyalist background.[15]

Historians generally view the period of internment as inflaming sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland, while failing in its goal of arresting key members of the IRA. Many of the nationalists arrested had no links whatsoever with the IRA, but their names appeared on the list of those to be arrested through bungling and incompetence. The list's lack of reliability and the arrests that followed, complemented by reports of internees being abused, led to more people identifying with the IRA in the nationalist community and losing hope in other methods. After Operation Demetrius, recruits came forward in huge numbers to join the Provisional and Official wings of the IRA.[13] Internment also led to a sharp increase in violence. In the eight months before the operation, there were 34 conflict-related deaths in Northern Ireland. In the four months following it, 140 were killed.[13] A serving officer of the British Royal Marines declared:

It (internment) has, in fact, increased terrorist activity, perhaps boosted IRA recruitment, polarised further the Catholic and Protestant communities and reduced the ranks of the much needed Catholic moderates.[16]

In terms of loss of life, 1972 was the most violent of the Troubles. The fatal march on Bloody Sunday (30 January 1972) in Derry, when 14 unarmed civil rights protesters were shot dead by British paratroopers, was an anti-internment march.
Effects on domestic and international law [edit]
Parker Report [edit]

When the interrogation techniques used on the internees became known to the public, there was outrage at the Government, especially from the Irish nationalist community. In answer to the anger from the public and Members of Parliament, on 16 November 1971 (just over a month after the start of the operation), the British Government commissioned a committee of inquiry chaired by Lord Parker (theLord Chief Justice of England) to look into the legal and moral aspects of the 'five techniques'.

The "Parker Report"[17] was published on 2 March 1972 and found the five techniques to be illegal under domestic law:

10. Domestic Law ...(c) We have received both written and oral representations from many legal bodies and individual lawyers from both England and Northern Ireland. There has been no dissent from the view that the procedures are illegal alike by the law of England and the law of Northern Ireland. ... (d) This being so, no Army Directive and no Minister could lawfully or validly have authorized the use of the procedures. Only Parliament can alter the law. The procedures were and are illegal.

On the same day (2 March 1972), United Kingdom Prime Minister Edward Heath stated in the House of Commons:

TheGovernment, having reviewed the whole matter with great care and with reference to any future operations, have decided that the techniques ... will not be used in future as an aid to interrogation... The statement that I have made covers all future circumstances.[18]

As foreshadowed in the Prime Minister's statement, directives expressly forbidding the use of the techniques, whether alone or together, were then issued to the security forces by the Government.[18] These are still in force and the use of such methods by UK security forces would not be condoned by the Government.
European Commission of Human Rights [edit]

The Irish Government, on behalf of the men who had been subject to the five techniques, took a case to the European Commission on Human Rights (Ireland v. United Kingdom, 1976 Y.B. Eur. Conv. on Hum. Rts. 512, 748, 788-94 (Eur. Comm’n of Hum. Rts.)). The Commission stated that it

...unanimously considered the combined use of the five methods to amount to torture, on the grounds that (1) the intensity of the stress caused by techniques creating sensory deprivation "directly affects the personality physically and mentally"; and (2) "the systematic application of the techniques for the purpose of inducing a person to give information shows a clear resemblance to those methods of systematic torture which have been known over the ages...a modern system of torture falling into the same category as those systems applied in previous times as a means of obtaining information and confessions.[19][20]
European Court of Human Rights [edit]

The Commissions findings were appealed. In 1978, in the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) trial Ireland v. the United Kingdom(Case No. 5310/71),[21] the facts were not in dispute and the judges court published the following in their judgement:

These methods, sometimes termed "disorientation" or "sensory deprivation" techniques, were not used in any cases other than the fourteen so indicated above. It emerges from the Commission's establishment of the facts that the techniques consisted of:
(a) wall-standing: forcing the detainees to remain for periods of some hours in a "stress position", described by those who underwent it as being "spreadeagled against the wall, with their fingers put high above the head against the wall, the legs spread apart and the feet back, causing them to stand on their toes with the weight of the body mainly on the fingers";
(b) hooding: putting a black or navy coloured bag over the detainees' heads and, at least initially, keeping it there all the time except during interrogation;
(c) subjection to noise: pending their interrogations, holding the detainees in a room where there was a continuous loud and hissing noise;
(d) deprivation of sleep: pending their interrogations, depriving the detainees of sleep;
(e) deprivation of food and drink: subjecting the detainees to a reduced diet during their stay at the centre and pending interrogations.

These (a to e) were the 'five techniques' referred to above. The court ruled:

167. ... Although the five techniques, as applied in combination, undoubtedly amounted to inhuman and degrading treatment, although their object was the extraction of confessions, the naming of others and/or information and although they were used systematically, they did not occasion suffering of the particular intensity and cruelty implied by the word torture as so understood. ... 168. The Court concludes that recourse to the five techniques amounted to a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment, which practice was in breach of [the European Convention on Human Rights] Article 3 (art. 3).

On 8 February 1977, in proceedings before the ECHR, and in line with the findings of the Parker Report and UK Government policy, the Attorney-General of the United Kingdom stated:

The Government of the United Kingdom have considered the question of the use of the 'five techniques' with very great care and with particular regard to Article 3 (art. 3) of the Convention. They now give this unqualified undertaking, that the 'five techniques' will not in any circumstances be reintroduced as an aid to interrogation.
References [edit]

^ Joint Committee on Human Rights, Parliament of the United Kingdom (2005). Counter-Terrorism Policy And Human Rights: Terrorism Bill and related matters: Oral and Written Evidence. Counter-Terrorism Policy And Human Rights: Terrorism Bill and related matters 2. The Stationery Office. p. 110.
^ Parker, Tom. Frontline: "Is torture ever justified?". PBS.
^ Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland's ordeal 1966-1996 and the search for peace. London: Hutchinson. p.126Internment - Summary of Main Events
^ The Irish Story - Internment is introduced in Northern Ireland
^ The Compton Report, November 1971. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN)
^ a b c d e f Internment: A chronology of the main events.Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN)
^ Danny Kennally and Eric Preston. Belfast August 1971: A Case to be Answered. Independent Labour Party, 1971.Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN).
^ Danny Kennally and Eric Preston. Belfast August 1971: A Case to be Answered. Chapter: Treatment of Arrested. Independent Labour Party, 1971. Conflict Archive on the Internet(CAIN).
^ a b McKittrick, David. Lost Lives: The stories of the men, women and children who died through the Northern Ireland Troubles. Mainstream, 1999. p.80
^ "Blunt weapon of internment fails to cru
sh nationalist resistance". An Phoblacht. 9 August 2007.
^ a b c Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland: 1971. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN)
^ a b c d e f Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland's ordeal 1966-1996 and the search for peace. Palgrave, 2002. p.152
^ "Violence ebbing in Northern Ireland". The Milwaukee Journal, 13 August 1971.
^ Internment - Summary of Main Events. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN)
^ Hamill, D. Pig in the Middle: The Army in Northern Ireland. London, Methuen, 1985.
^ The Parker Report, March 1972. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN)
^ a b Ireland v. the United Kingdom Paragraph 101 and 135
^ Security Detainees/Enemy Combatants: U.S. Law Prohibits Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Footnote 16
^ Weissbrodt, David. Materials on torture and other ill-treatment: 3. European Court of Human Rights (doc) html: Ireland v. United Kingdom, 1976 Y.B. Eur. Conv. on Hum. Rts. 512, 748, 788-94 (Eur. Comm’n of Hum. Rts.)
^ IRELAND v. THE UNITED KINGDOM - 5310/71 (1978) ECHR 1 (18 January 1978)"

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The men behind the wire

author by Peter Myattpublication date Sun Jun 02, 2013 08:45author address author phone Report this post to the editors

And your Legal System ?

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author by W. Finnertypublication date Sun Jun 02, 2013 10:07author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"The UN’s torture watchdog has hit out at the British government for human rights abuses. In its harshest criticism yet of the British government, the panel warned that urgent action is needed for the country to meet international standards."

'The UN team also slammed what they called “an escape clause” in the Criminal Justice Act (1988), which allows British officials to escape prosecution for inflicting severe pain or suffering if they can show that they had “lawful authority, justification or excuse” for doing so.'

'Another legal loophole the committee voiced concern about is the Intelligence Services Act (1994), which effectively insures that intelligence officers cannot be prosecuted within the UK once a warrant giving them lawful authority has been signed by a government minister.'

All of the above excerpts have come from the following www location:
(Published time: June 02, 2013 00:31)

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"British Monarchy, UK Prime Minister David Cameron, government corruption, crime, cover-ups, and impunity ..."

author by fredpublication date Sun Jun 02, 2013 11:52author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Plenty of food for thought there Brian. Thanks for that post

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Sun Jun 02, 2013 14:07author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Thanks Fred,
I believe Irish republican history is currently repeating itself, like previous fragmentation after the war of independence, into many in-effective factions, as happened with the British left recently, manipulated by outside forces. I received the following email today from the poster above, with a photographed Nazi salute.: "Any time, any place, any where Paddy... David Myatt 3:12 PM (3 hours ago)"

It is clear that Irish drug and gang wars are another element introduced into this history, manipulated by outside forces. The CIA and MI6 control 90% of the world drug trade, using places like Mexico and Ireland of brutal gang warfare, in the pretence of fighting drug traffickers but in reality trying to manage the lucrative drug trade, along with the native populations and communities.

Right wing Nazi groups like combat18world above, are used as their increment for cover and for their political dirty work, just like they used the Littlejohns., in the Irish free state, to criminalize and discredit anything remotely Irish republican. The solution is to remove this source of criminal gang funding by legalizing it but there are too many vested interests in the Irish policing and injustice system, hence it continues with the murder of journalists who highlight it.

The legalization of drugs is the only way to stop all of this bloodletting but it is being used as a form of social control of the Irish working class destroying whole communities, creating a culture of the interests of the establishment. Comrade Finnerty once again raises important points about Britain's rapidly deteriorating human rights record that reflects the increasing fascist ideology of Herr Myatt above. The internment of Julian Assange for one year now in London, despite being given diplomatice safe passage is more disgraceful British disregard for international standards of justice. A link below explains.

Fred, I'm afraid I have to resort to Wiki again to make my point about the necessity for creating another Republican congress, giving it a high profile transparent platform, to debate, justify and explain programmes of action and policy, with as much unity as possible to give proper leadership with a form of unity of the Green/Left in Ireland. It needs to be enabled by a neutral high profile that might even include our President O'Higgins. The unionists have been very successful in protecting their interests with a policy loose unity and 'keep your powder dry" for quite awhile now, we might learn something from them

"The Republican Congress (Irish: An Chomhdháil Phoblachtach) was an Irish republican political organisation founded in 1934, when left-wing republicans left the Irish Republican Army. The Congress was led by such IRA veterans as Peadar O'Donnell, Frank Ryan and George Gilmore. It was a socialist organisation and was dedicated to a "workers' republic" in Ireland. The group viewed the principles of Irish socialist republicanism as: "We believe that a republic of a united Ireland will never be achieved except through a struggle which uproots capitalism on its way."[1]

Two councillors were elected as Republican Congress candidates in Westmeath and Dundalk in 1934. At the Republican rally at Bodenstown in 1934, clashes occurred between Republican Congress supporters and IRA members. Congress supporters among the crowd of about 17,000 were estimated at between 600 and 2,000. The IRA leadership did not authorise banners other than its own and ordered the Congress banners to be seized. The clash was given a sectarian element by the attack on 36 Congress members from the predominantly Loyalist parts of West Belfast - they formed the Shankill Road branch - who carried a banner reading, "Unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter to break the connection with Capitalism".

Following moderate success in agitating on behalf of the workers the Congress split at its first annual conference held in Rathmines Town Hall on September 8-9, 1934. The split occurred mainly due to organisational disunity between two factions. One side believed that a united front of leftist republicans could challenge the dominance of the mainstream political parties and form a "republic". The opposing faction believed that a political party should be formed in order to fight for a "workers' republic". The former resolution was passed following support from O'Donnell and the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI). Those calling for a "workers' republic" withdrew their support and left the Congress. The group went into decline thereafter and was essentially defunct by 1936. The Congress had its last hurrah on the battlefields of the Spanish Civil War when a group of Irishmen fought for the Second Spanish Republic in the Connolly Column.

The collapse of the Republican Congress is representative of the failure of the inter-war Irish socialist republican movement. The inability to form an organisationally coherent group was ultimately the crippling shortcoming of socialist republicanism."

MI-6 Lords of Global Drug Trade
MI-6 Lords of Global Drug Trade

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author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Mon Jun 03, 2013 07:50author address author phone Report this post to the editors

This is an unusually excellent article I found in the 'professed socialist' pensive quill, so I am sure he will not mind me borrowing it to help make a point. I believe the article is very accurate with the exception of whom they are accountable to. Let's get something straight, MI-5 are accountable to no one. Those whom they 'chat' with are their compromised puppets, in the judiciary, 'police,' media and
collusive criminal fraternity. MI-5 and MI6 control all of Ireland with secret state fear with internment without trial now a critical weapon of state terrorism.

"Hugh McAfee with some thoughts on the real power behind policing in the North. The writer draws on the CAJ document The Policing You Don’t See: Covert policing and the accountability gap - Five years on from the transfer of ‘national security’ primacy to MI5 which was published in 2012.

I thought it appropiate at this stage with so many being arrested and harrassed and Interned via Remand to highlight this on TPQ.

Prior to the 2007 transfer to MI5 a policy of ‘police primacy’ existed in which theRUC officially took the lead over other agencies with MI5 playing a small, strategic and subordinate role. However from the limited information which has become subsequently available there are indications MI5 played a much more influential role in practice and in effect dictated the terms of the overall security strategy in Northern Ireland.

MI5 took over the role of Policing in Northern Ireland in 2007. They have full control over PSNI. They are accountable to no one except the British Home Secretary, the NIO, and Secretary of state for Northern Ireland. They are at the heart of what has become known as Internment via Remand.

Even those on the policing board , when questioning the Chief Constable are not allowed to be told about anything concerning MI5 Security Matters , The Chief Constable has to have his Brief checked by MI5 before going into a meeting with the Policing Board.

Does this not prove how much MI5 (British Government) misrusts Ireland's own people with answers which it requires concerning Police harrasment on orders of MI5?

The devolution of justice powers in 2010 has also made clear there are a range of ‘national security’ powers which were not devolved but rather retained by the Northern Ireland Office. Defining MI5’s role in ‘national security’ policing is complex given that there is no official definition of the term. As the MI5 website makes clear: 'It has been the policy of successive Governments and the practice of Parliamentnot to define the term, in order to retain the flexibility necessary to ensure that the use of the term can adapt to changing circumstances.' In the run up to the St Andrews Agreement the PSNI Chief Constable stated MI5’s national security policing would only focus on republicans and not loyalists.

So , there we have it from the horse's mouth, They support Loyalists and want to target any republican, SF included: which was proven recently the arrest of Padraic Wilson, who was released after SF bussed supporters in to protest, and Alan Lundy (jnr). Now we have the latest fiasco - the arrest of John Downey.

Its time that people openened there eyes as to what is going on , especially SF supporters.

Stop and Search: questions have been raised as to the extent MI5 is directing the usage of emergency type stop and search powers which do not require individual reasonable suspicion; MI5 and special forces: in 2009 the PSNI announced they were calling in the British Army’s Special Recognisance Regiment (SRR). However an earlier court case indicates the SRR were operating some time before this date and there have been claims that the SRR report to MI5 and not the PSNI;

The transfer of ‘national security policing’ to MI5 in 2007

The intention to transfer the “lead responsibility for national security intelligence work” in Northern Ireland from PSNI to MI5 was first announced to Parliament in 2005. This made clear there would be no oversight powers for the post-Patten Policing Board and Police Ombudsman over MI5. It appears the motivation was in part to prevent Sinn Féin having a role in oversight and accountability with respect to ‘national security’.

That’s SF out of the big picture, especially SF members on the policing board.

They have no say in anything, I’m sure the Chief Constable has a little giggle when questioned by SF policing board members regarding the arrest of their members. He would give a wry smirk and state: Due to national Security I can not answer that question. "

MI-5 Lords of British Occupied ireland
MI-5 Lords of British Occupied ireland

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author by Peter Myattpublication date Mon Jun 03, 2013 08:26author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Google your supposed comrade Brian Clarke NUJ and see for yourself what has infiltrated your midst . A mentally ill former Agent Provocateur.

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author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Mon Jun 03, 2013 11:31author address author phone Report this post to the editors

BBC MI5 Papal Blessing

BBC MI5 Papal Blessing Occupied ireland
BBC MI5 Papal Blessing Occupied ireland

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author by Critical Thinkingpublication date Mon Jun 03, 2013 18:50author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Personally I would not trust a word said by bill maloney - this is not to state that what Maloney says on this occasion is not true, it may be.

But there is in my mind "something-not-quite-right" about the stunt Maloney pulled when he released a short vid that lead people to believe that he had been murdered in NY.

That was pure marketing - deliberately dishonest at that, trading off his claimed family-association to someone he claims was a victim of child abuse in the Channel Islands

Other than his own claims f being an "award winner" no one I know has ever heard of the guy before he started claiming kinship to someone he claims was abused in Jersey. Going from that to releasing a vid that to all intents and purposes appears to have been designed to con people in believing he had been murdered in NY should give anyone grounds for caution when sourcing anything to mr Maloney

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Mon Jun 03, 2013 20:43author address author phone Report this post to the editors

You may have a point, his pensive buddy does a lot of censorship as in Hitler and Stalin. National socialism, a dangerous mix but as professed Irish republican socialists, I try to give them the benefit of the doubt, despite their considerable revisionism of recent Irish history.

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author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Tue Jun 04, 2013 03:41author address author phone Report this post to the editors

The article above is a clear and unambiguous call, for a peaceful course of action, with regards to the release of Martin Corey. It is also a clear call for peaceful political activity, to solve the many problems related to occupation and a system of inherited privileged Monarchy, that has impoverished the people of no property in Ireland. No amount of intimidation from whatever quarter will change the course of my citizen journalism or peaceful political activity.

I have been willing for quite sometime to adhere to the maxim, that the pen is mightier than the sword and I am calling on all Irish republican socialists, to commit themselves to this activity with modern social media. The British fear the truth about Ireland being made public, on the world stage as opposed to the relatively small stage and population within the confines of the island and will do everything including engaging in murderous collusion, to keep it secret within the island of Ireland. This is the real reason, why the lawyer Rosemary Nelson who was successful in legally raising issues of Ireland, in an international context was assassinated, this is why they have worked for 40 years to criminalize Irish republicanism.

If the BBC world service and RTE presstitutes, did their job properly, instead of engaging in propaganda and told the truth, in a balanced way, instead of being compromised by MI-5 or bought-and-paid for-whores for evil, I would not have to raise these issues. The BBC world service propagates the myth, that the Irish problem is strictly a sectarian one with a British presence necessary to keep the peace, ignoring that their divide and rule invasions and occupations have left a trail of horror worldwide inherited by the US.

The presstitutes in the British and Irish media have not investigated, most important issues during the recent troubles in British Occupied Ireland in any sort of an objective manner and thereby have created years of prolonged bloodshed and suffering. The problems of the small island of Ireland like Syria today are simple with simple solutions, if outside interference stopped but the corporate media are part of the problem.

Let it be clearly understood from this citizen journalist, that no amount of intimidation, smear or blackmail will prevent me from doing what I regard is the right thing to do. The truth will set us free ultimately and I thank Indymedia Ireland, for the facility to use their network. They say if you engage with idiots you become one, this is the last time I make my position clear on this matter, as I do not wish to engage tit for tat childish nonsense while good innocent people like Martin Corey and people of political conscience are interned without trial in Ireland or anywhere else for that matter. They may kill the messenger but they cannot kill the truth.

MI5 Vetted  Presstitutes
MI5 Vetted Presstitutes

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author by W. Finnertypublication date Tue Jun 04, 2013 05:24author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"Lawyers are to challenge the detention of an Irish republican (Martin Corey) from Lurgan, County Armagh, in the European court."

"Martin Corey, 63, has been in prison for over three years without a trial, and with no charges being brought."

"However, his solicitor, Peter Murphy, said he was being denied the right to a fair trial."

The above excerpts are from the following www location:
(Publication date: 17 May 2013)

I wonder if "his solicitor, Peter Murphy" will be raising the issue of "Article 47 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union" in connection with Martin Corey's case: in public? And if not, why not?

Related E-Mail (of May 8th 2013 to British Monarchy):

Related Link:
"Baroness Catherine Ashton of Upholland, Article 47 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union, Human Rights Ireland, William Finnerty ..."

author by Brian Clarke - AllVoicespublication date Wed Jun 05, 2013 09:56author address author phone Report this post to the editors

I really like what these people are about. If the Irish Green/Left could do just the same ! What a great name for an Irish political party. The fruits of an Irish Republican Congress without 'divide and conquer' stooges or maybe an alternative permanent name for Provisional Sinn Fein ? Ah there I am dreaming again. Anyway here is a great quoted article from them. With regard to Rule 6. Do not use quotation marks with quoted material that is more than three lines in length.

For those accusing me of kidnapping this material, please place it in a socialist context of the total article but it really is a good article:

" Ireland: Political prisoner Martin Corey denied justice

Monday, June 3, 2013
By Barry Kearney

Martin Corey is a 63-year-old man jailed in the six counties of Ireland's north still claimed by Britain. He has been held for three years without trial.

On April 16, 2010, Corey’s house in Lurgan was visited by members of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and Corey was arrested.

When he asked what the charges were, Corey was told that the police officers “did not know”. All they were told was to arrest Corey.

Corey is a republican who, in his youth, fought against the foreign occupation of his land. During this struggle, he was charged with the murder of two members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the forerunner of the PSNI. Corey was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment in December 1973.

Corey served just short of the next 19 years behind bars; he was released in June 1992. He did not sign any documents imposing conditions on his release.

Corey returned to Lurgan, where he set up a successful business as the local grave digger, formed a long-term relationship and settled down to a peaceful life.

That was, until his arrest three years ago.

Corey is still in jail and he still does not know what the charges against him are. Corey’s legal team also do not know what the charges are and nor does any judge hearing the case against him.

This is because, according to the British Northern Ireland Office (NIO), he is being held on “Undisclosed or Secret Charges”. A special advocate appointed by the NIO can view the evidence and tell the judge what they can do.

This makes a mockery of the judicial system when a politician, the secretary of state for Northern Ireland who is unelected by people in Ireland's north, can determine a person's freedom. Corey is selectively interned by an unjust British system.

As a prisoner with a life sentence, Corey is entitled to a parole hearing every 12 months. However, since he was arrested in 2010, this has been continually adjourned or not even scheduled.

The conditions Corey is being kept under are a disgrace. Mail has been kept from him for weeks at a time, craft that he has made has been smashed by vindictive prison officers and he has been denied proper medical treatment within a reasonable time.

In May last year, Corey appealed his jailing on the grounds that he had not been charged with any crime nor brought before a judge.

In his verdict on the appeal, Justice Treacy said Corey's human rights had been breached. He ordered Corey to be released immediately and placed no conditions on the release.

Corey returned to Maghaberry Prison to pack his belongings and his family travelled from Lurgan to take him home. While Corey waited in the prison's reception area he was told the then-secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Owen Paterson, had ordered him to be returned to his cell.

The NIO had appealed Treacy’s decision, but only after Treacy had boarded a plane and was about to leave the country. With Treacy out of the way, a patsy of the British NIO upheld its appeal and Corey was sent back behind bars.

When Corey’s legal team found out, they immediately launched legal action against the NIO's appeal, but to no avail. Corey finally got to appeal the decision in the High Court on July 11, more than six weeks after Treacy's original decision.

The NIO's appeal was upheld and Corey's case was set to be reheard on November 26. At the rehearing, a panel of three appeals judges upheld the NIO's decision to keep Corey incarcerated.

Corey’s legal team then applied to the High Court for permission to take their case before the Supreme Court in London.

They were confident of winning in the Supreme Court, but in early May, their euphoria was cut short as the appeal was denied without any valid reason being given.

If you look beyond this denial, you will see British intransigence at its best. Denying Corey the right to appeal to the Supreme Court blocks his application to the European Court of Human Rights, as he has not exhausted all domestic avenues.

British politicians can be quick to point the finger about human rights abuses elsewhere in the world, but are quiet when such are abuses are carried out by their own government.

The 1998 Good Friday Agreement, signed as part of the peace process to end armed conflict in Ireland's north, came with the promise of equality and justice for all. But 15 years on, Corey is one of those still suffering from a great injustice at the hands of a vindictive British government.

The law of the land must prevail. If the British authorities believe Corey is guilty of a crime, then they must charge him and bring him before a court of law, where he has the right to defend himself. Rather, he has been forced to fight an invisible foe in the guise of undisclosed charges.

The time is well passed when Martin Corey should be freed.

[Barry Kearney is a member of the James Connolly Association Australia, Melbourne.] "

Green Left
Green Left

Caption: Video Id: W6BWiTVEhcM Type: Youtube Video
90 miles from dublin christy moore

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author by W. Finnertypublication date Thu Jun 06, 2013 10:00author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"Since arriving in Croatia yesterday, President Higgins has been emphasising that the EU must look at a wide range of policies to help its citizens."

The above RTE excerpt, dated Thursday, 06 June 2013, has come from a report at the following www location:

My suggestions for President Higgins:

1) Please spend some of your time trying to remedy the fact that senior politicians and lawyers (including many in the EU), appear to be COMPLETELY ignoring Article 47 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union in connection with cases such as Martin Corey's, and my own (for example).

2) Please acknowledge receipt of the letter I sent to you through the registered post on November 2nd 2011, which relates to extremely serious human rights and constitutional law abuses in Ireland. Nineteen months or so later, I'm still spending a lot of my time wondering if you ever received the registered letter in question, or know anything at all about it even?

A scanned copy of my November 2nd 2011 registered letter to you, together with a scanned copy of a "To Whom It May Concern" letter from my former GP (Dr Michael McCavert) which I included for you, plus scanned copies of the associated Post Office receipt and delivery information, can all be found at the following www location:

Related Link:
"Article 47 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union, President Michael D Higgins, Human Rights Ireland ..."

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