PEOPLES NEWS – Issue 102. April 2014 12:13 Aib 12 0 comments
Monsanto Roundup Linked to Global Boom in Celiac Disease and Gluten Intolerance 16:00 Márta 28 3 comments
Notorious Ukrainian nationalist militant shot dead in police raid 13:03 Márta 25 3 comments
PEOPLES NEWS issue no. 101 Date: 23 – 3 – 14 21:42 Márta 24 1 comments
The Irish water debacle: a timeline 14:56 Márta 24 0 commentstuileadh >>
Michael Taft - Céad Aib 09, 2014 12:55
The Government?s paper on Ireland?s effective corporate tax rate confirms what the dogs in the street have known for a long-time: Ireland has a low,extremely low, corporate tax rate. There is that vexed question of what corporate income counts for the purposes of determining the actual rate of tax companies pay here. Professor Jim Stewart produced data which showed that the effective tax rate of US multinationals operating here was 2.2 percent in 2011. This was disputed because Stewart ? using the US?s Bureau of Economic Analysis ? included the $140 billion that US multinationals move through Ireland on their way to other places, including tax havens. Some claim you can?t count this because it is not taxable in Ireland. But, of course, that is the point. The issue is not the Irish corporate tax rate per se but the role that Ireland plays in the global tax avoidance chain ? the ability of multinationals to use Ireland to avoid paying taxes that would be due elsewhere. That is the character of a ?tax-haven conduit?. In this respect, it is worth remembering: ?Tax havens attract foreign investment not only because income earned locally is taxed at favorable rates, but also because tax haven activities facilitate the avoidance of taxes that might otherwise have to be paid to other countries.? The Irish corporate tax rate is the sign on the door. It?s an inviting sign ? a low-tax rate of 12.5 percent. But the real goodies are what's behind the door ? the prospect of using Ireland as a transit point in the global avoidance chain.
Communist Party of Ireland - Luan Aib 07, 2014 09:38
The April edition of the Socialist Voice is out now. Follow the links below or online here. Contents: *
Irish Left Review - Luan Aib 07, 2014 09:15
The Sheehy Skeffington School is on this Saturday April 12.
Ireland Institute, 27 Pearse St., Dublin 2
The keynote speaker this year is Gareth Peirce.
10:00 Introduction by chair, Carol Coulter (former Irish Times journalist, now Director Child Care Law Reporting Project)
10:15 Michael Farrell (Sen. Solicitor, FLAC, former ICCL & IHRC) 'Brief update on human rights infrastructure'.
10:30 Gareth Peirce (leading human rights lawyer) 'No World for Whistleblowers'
11:30 Seanie Lambe (Inner City Activist, Chairperson ICON) 'Communities, regeneration and rights'.
11:50 Clare Daly (TD) 'The Legacy of Austerity'.
12:15 Panel Discussion
14:00 Leeann Lane (Head of Irish Studies, MDI) 'The Irish Suffrage Campaign on the eve of World War 1 : Tensions and debates'.
14:40 Richard Sheehy (Glasnevin Parish and relative of Sheehy Skeffingtons) 'Thoughts on Francis Sheehy Skeffington'
Clare Daly is a TD for the United Left Alliance in the constituency of Dublin North. Formerly a Students' Union President in NIHE and later DCU as well as a long standing SIPTU shop steward in Dublin Airport when she worked for Aer Lingus, Clare has a long track record as a campaigner for workers rights and the interests of the community.
Michael Farrell is the senior solicitor with FLAC. He formerly worked as a solicitor in private practice and has taken cases to the European Court of Human Rights, the UN Human Rights Committee and the European Committee of Social Rights. He is a former Co-Chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties and was a member of the Irish Human Rights Commission from 2001 to 2011 and of the working group on the proposed merger of the IHRC and the Equality Authority. He is the Irish member of the Council of Europe Commission Against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) and a member of the Council of State.
Seanie Lambe is the Chairperson of the Inner City Organisations Network (ICON). He has been involved in the development of the area for many years and sits on a number of boards. He is currently the Director of the Inner City Renewal Group (ICRG).
Dr. Leeann Lane is Head of Irish Studies and Head of the School of Humanities at the Mater Dei Institute of Education, Dublin City University. She is the author of Rosamond Jacob: Third Person Singular (2010). She is a member of the "Expert Advisory Group on the Decade of Commemorations" appointed by the Government in 2012.
Donal O?Kelly is one of Ireland's foremost socially engaged playwrights. His recent production, 'Hairy Jaysus' is a bifocal perspective of Francis Sheehy Skeffington's final hours ? through historical and contemporary viewpoints. His other plays include Catalpa, Jimmy Joyced! and Bat the Father Rabbit the Son. Donal's creations include The Cambria, The Adventures Of The Wet Señor, Vive La, Operation Easter, Asylum! Asylum!, The Dogs, Farawayan and The Hand. As an actor, he has appeared in Translations, Juno and the Paycock and The Tempest in the Abbey, played Lucky in the Gate Theatre?s Waiting For Godot, and on screen played leading roles in Kings, The Van, and Spin The Bottle, as well as RTE?s Paths to Freedom and Fair City.
Gareth Peirce is a solicitor, educated at Cheltenham Ladies' College, University of Oxford and the London School of Economics. She is best known for her tireless, groundbreaking work and advocacy in high-profile cases involving miscarriages of justice, and those of people (particularly Irish and Islamist) accused or convicted under anti-terrorist legislation. Gareth's calm and reflective demeanour belies a passionate and longstanding commitment to the use of law to promote human rights and justice for the most vulnerable.
Irish Left Review - Aoine Aib 04, 2014 18:23
New LookLeft out now! ?2 for 48 pages of progressive, news, views and solutions In Easons and selected newsagents countrywide. This issue includes:
Michael Taft - Aoine Aib 04, 2014 16:50
Take a very quick look at the green line on the chart below. Very quick ? the green line represents Irish labour costs.
On a quick look, it appears that Irish labour costs started growing in 2010; and that by last year labour costs growth in the EU and Ireland converged. Now take a closer look. In reality, Irish labour costs actually fell in 2010. In fact, the gap between the EU and Ireland are widening. The chart was ?structured? to not only elide over these inconvenient facts but to actually give the opposite impression. Welcome to the world of massaging stats to fit a political purpose. For make no mistake ? the National Competitiveness Council?s Costs of Doing Business in Ireland completely fails to present the reality of wages, labour costs and taxation in the Irish economy. Instead, they construct ?evidence and arguments that neatly into line with the Government?s desire to depress wages and cut taxes. Funny that. Are wages a danger to ?competitiveness?? First, let?s remind ourselves of the current situation, something the National Competitiveness Council (NCC) fails to do (again, funny that). Using the last year for available date we find, using the mean average:
Whether using the labour cost survey (which surveys firms) or the macro-economic data contained in the national accounts (where you divide employee compensation by hours worked) the results are pretty much the same. We are well below averages ? in particular, when compared to EU-15 countries not in bail-out (excluding really low-waged Greece and Portugal) or other small open economies. So we start out pretty low.
Michael Burke - Aoine Aib 04, 2014 16:12
The slump in the Irish economy continues to be driven by the collapse in investment. The fall in investment more than accounts for the entire contraction in the economy during the recession. The chart below shows the annual totals for both GDP and investment (Gross Fixed Capital Formation, GFCF) versus the peak in 2008. The worst GDP outcome was in 2010 when it was ?12.7 billion below the 2008 peak. But by 2013 it was still ?9.5 billion lower. Not much sign of genuine recovery. Investment has fared even worse. It carried on falling even after GDP had stabilised. The low-point was in 2012, when investment was ?16.6 billion below the previous high-point. But in 2013 it was still ?15.9 billion lower.
Over the 6 years of the slump GDP has fallen by 9.6%. Investment has fallen by 47%. As a result, investment as a proportion of GDP has fallen from 20.8% to 12.1%. Since the level of investment is decisive for the long-term productivity of any economy, a falling rate of investment will hurt growth over a prolonged period. The relative weakness of investment by firms in Ireland is shown in the OECD chart below. Over a prolonged period leading up to the crisis private firms (Private Non-Financial Corporations, or PNFCs) operating in Ireland invested much less than firms in the other industrialised countries. This weakness has been further exacerbated by the crisis. Since 2008 firms? profits have actually risen in cash terms, by ?6.7 billion. But on the same basis, investment in transport equipment and other equipment have both fallen by ?1 billion, road building and other construction apart from homes have slumped by ?5.4 billion. Private Non-Financial Corporations Investment: Decade Averages
One of the key factors which has worsened the crisis is that successive governments have cut the state?s own level of investment. On the same cash basis, government has cut its investment by ?7.6 billion. This was not always the case. Previously, when the economy was growing rapidly government had a higher level of investment than in the other industrialised economies, as shown in the chart below. This is the see-saw of the Irish economy: very low levels of private firms? investment and relatively high levels of government investment. The policy of austerity is pushing down on both ends of the see-saw at once. As a result the economy is cracking.
Michael Taft - Céad Aib 02, 2014 10:05
The Universal Social Charge (USC) is a great tax. Many progressives were critical of its introduction and rightfully so. In replacing the Income and Health Contribution levies, the USC ended up increasing tax on low income earners ? at a time when the economy was still melting down, people were losing their jobs and income was falling. That was inequitable and economically irrational. However that is a criticism over rates and thresholds ? elements which can be easily changed. The reason the USC is great tax is because it is simple, transparent and, most of all, no matter how many tax accountants you hire, you can?t escape it. The tax has almost no exemptions, reliefs, or allowances ? unlike the income tax system. Dr. Tom Healy of the Nevin Economic Research Institute made an interesting observation:
?Perhaps there is a case for abolishing income tax as we know it, replace it with USC, make the rates more progressive (e.g. by introducing three or even four bands) and then re-term it as ?income tax?! . . You see - the beauty of USC is that, it applies to many different kinds of income, it is not riddled, to the same extent as ?income tax? with all sorts of reliefs and exemptions, it is reasonably simple to understand and operate.?Now that's blue-sky thinking. Check out this little stat: income tax? with tax rates of 20 percent and 41 percent - raises ?11.4 billion in revenue. The USC, with a tax rate of 7 percent raises ?3.9 billion. At a much lower rate, it raises over a third of the entire income tax system. To raise the same amount as income tax, the USC would need to be raised to 20 percent (with the lower rates rising proportionally). A tax rate of only 20 percent would raise as much as income tax. That?s pretty effective and efficient. This is not an argument for a flat-rate tax. Dr. Healy points to the potential of introducing three or four different tax bands. In fact, in the EU-15 only Ireland and Germany have two tax rates. Other countries have three or more:
Raymond Deane - Luan Márta 31, 2014 15:55
This article originally appeared on Raymond's blog, The Deanery today, the 31st of March. In 1979 Chris de Burgh chose to tour Apartheid South Africa, in violation of the boycott call from the African National Congress. In justification, he pleaded that ?I?m not singing for the government? I hope to make a difference?? It is arguable that by ignoring the boycott call from the democratic opposition to South Africa?s anti-democratic regime de Burgh was indeed ?singing for the government?, and that, far from ?making a difference?, he was in fact helping to reinforce the status quo more than a decade before the release of Nelson Mandela from Robben Island. In 1984 ?12 Dunnes [Stores] workers went on strike [in Dublin] for two and a half years for the right not to handle goods from Apartheid South Africa. The strikers were feted by Bishop Desmond Tutu and international human rights groups. Nelson Mandela said that their stand helped keep him going during his imprisonment.? Almost exactly thirty years after this, Chris de Burgh announced that he would perform in Tel Aviv on 29th March 2014, ignoring the Palestinian call for a cultural boycott of the Israeli state. The Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign learned only two weeks before the event of de Burgh?s plan to cross the picket line, upon which the usual procedures were followed. A letterwas posted via his website, followed by a telephone call to his management ? or, more precisely, to an anonymous answering-machine in London. Neither approach having received a reply, the letter was made public. A Facebook page was set up and supporters of Palestinian rights posted pleas on de Burgh?s own Facebook page. At this point, things turned nasty. It would appear that defenders of the Israeli state set particular store by de Burgh?s imminent visit, perhaps bearing in mind his 1979 performance in the other Apartheid state that was Israel?s most intimate ally. Veterans of internet campaigning reported that they had never encountered such an outpouring of Zionist propaganda as flooded de Burgh?s page, replete with the usual venomous and mendacious defamation of anyone with a track record of support for Palestinian rights. Abuse ranged from ?hater? and ?old fart? to ?anti-Semite? and ?Nazi?; in my own case, hoary canards about my visits to Hong Kong and Iran and my supposedly having ?intimidated a cancer victim? (the latter rebutted here) were dredged up and recycled shamelessly.
Tom O'Brien - Luan Márta 31, 2014 09:16
This week we have the second part of our interview with Professor Andrew Kliman. We continue our discussion about his latest book - ?The Failure of Capitalist Production? - and in particular focus on Andrews critique of the Underconsumptionist Theory of Crisis, which is pretty dominant on the Marxist and non-Marxist left alike. We hear how the empirical evidence sits squarely in the face of this theory, what role financialisation has actually played in the economy, and the similarities between Keynesianism and Underconsumptionism. We also talk about the new book Andrew is working on, and just how impressed I am by how well Marx?s theories are able to explain the world around us today. You can find the article for the New Left Project that Andrew mentions in the interview, critiquing Sam Gindin's view of the crisis as financial, here. And you can find Sam Gindins response to Andrew here. Enjoy
Irish Left Review - Céad Márta 26, 2014 17:33
Debt Justice Action ? a coalition of community, trade union, global justice, academic, faith-based and other groups that hosts the Anglo: Not Our Debt Campaign ? has described as ?alarming? media reports that the Irish government is being pressured by the European Central Bank to quickly sell on to the private sector the government bonds it issued to replace the Anglo promissory notes in 2013. Spokesperson Niamh McCrea said that any such sale would ?make an already bad deal even worse?. She said, ?The debts run up by a bank like Anglo, which is under criminal investigation, should never have been taken on by the Irish people through the promissory notes, and those notes should not have been turned into sovereign debt, as the government did last year, extending the repayment period but with no write-down of the debt?. Andy Storey pointed out that as the bonds are currently held by the Central Bank of Ireland, any interest paid on them stays with the Irish state, but that ?if they are sold to the private sector, as the ECB is now pushing to happen quickly, then the same class of creditors and bondholders whose gambles were made good by the Irish government will end up making yet more money by raking in the interest payments due?. Ms McCrea called on the Irish government to ?for once, resist ECB pressure and insist that the bonds remain with the Central Bank with a view to negotiating the write-down of this odious and illegitimate debt?.