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Search words: bodenstown

Making Republicanism Relevant - This is our Time

category national | miscellaneous | opinion/analysis author Monday June 21, 2004 10:59author by Sinn Fein Report this post to the editors

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP addressing the annual Wolfe Tone Commemoration at bodenstown this afternoon said:

"Irish republicans have made serious and repeated efforts to work with the two governments and unionists to find a way to resolve this crisis in the process. Sinn Féin is again engaged in detailed and intense discussions with the two governments. These have been going on for some months, including during the recent election campaign and have now reached a new intensity of dialogue. Our objective is clear - to restore the political institutions and end the crisis in the process.

"There are also matters, which are clearly the responsibility of the two governments, as well as issues for the Review.

"Sinn Féin is committed to playing a full and productive role in resolving these matters. This means more challenges ahead for Irish republicans. This means republicans facing up to these challenges sure in our belief in our republican analysis, and confident in our peace strategy.

"The reality is that if the political will exists - and republicans have that political will - then we can all collectively make progress. Consequently, the intense efforts to agree a package must continue until there is an agreement or until we have exhausted all possibilities of agreement."

Full Text

I'd like to start off by welcoming everybody here today for the annual bodenstown commemoration. A special welcome to our honorees from last nights Le Cheile event and greetings to you all from Joe Cahill and a welcome for Annie Cahill.

This is one of the highlights of our calendar, a chance for us to gather together and look at our progress over the year, while honouring a republican hero, Theobald Wolfe Tone.

Tone said during his trial in 1798:

"From my earliest youth, I have regarded the connection between Ireland and Great Britain, as the curse of the Irish nation; and felt convinced, that, whilst it lasted, this country could never be free nor happy."

We are proud to be Irish republicans in the tradition of Tone and we assert here at this graveside that neither the people of Ireland nor Britain can be truly free or happy while British jurisdiction remains in any part of Ireland.

Our primary political objectives therefore remain, an end to partition, an end to the union, the construction of a new national democracy - a new republic - on the island of Ireland, and reconciliation between orange and green.

But we also want change in the here and now. We are not prepared to wait until we have achieved these goals for people to have their rights to a decent home, to a job and a decent wage, to decent public services like health and education, and a safer cleaner environment.

Building Political Strength

Key to achieving this is the hard, tedious, difficult work of building political strength. By building that strength we will build the capacity to move both the British government and the unionists and to influence the political agenda in this state.

By building political strength we can build the republic that was envisioned by the United Ireland movement and in the 1916 Proclamation - a republic built on equality, justice and freedom.

Last November Sinn Féin took another step forward in achieving our goals. This party became the largest pro Agreement party in the north - a significant achievement for a party, which for over three decades was demonised, marginalised and whose members and families have been the target of assassination.

Last weekend Sinn Féin broke the mould of Irish politics by electing Mary Lou McDonald and Bairbre de Brún to the European Parliament and by electing Councillors right across the southern state.

The front page of the Phoblacht sums it up - 342,000 votes, 2 MEPs, 232 Councillors, 24 MLAs, 5TDs and 4MPs.

I want to make a few comments about the citizenship referendum. While we are disappointed the referendum has been passed, it is not a surprise to anyone. This referendum was rushed through, without any debate and at the worst possible time - during a double election campaign. What is clear is that this referendum has enshrined inequality in the Constitution and this will have harmful, long-term consequences.

It is also clear that what was required a month ago and what is still required is a fair, just and human rights based immigration policy for the island. Sinn Féin will continue to do our utmost to bring that about.

Taking Risks

We have come a long way from the Ard Fheis 21 years ago when I said; "If Sinn Féin stands on the side lines, separate from and isolated from the people we cannot hope to attract support for what looks like a vague utopian image of some perfect Eire Nua of the future. The solution is for Sinn Féin to get among the people in the basic ways that people accept - this means new approaches and difficult and perhaps risky political positions have to be faced up to by us."

We have developed those new approaches. We have taken difficult and risky decisions.

We have demonstrated time and time again a preparedness to go on the political offensive, to take initiatives and go toe to toe with our political opponents in the battle of ideas, as well as in the hard job of building workable political partnerships.

Peace Process

A year and a half ago the British government suspended the political institutions in the north at the behest of unionism.

Irish republicans have made serious and repeated efforts to work with the two governments and unionists to find a way to resolve this crisis in the process.

Sinn Féin is again engaged in detailed and intense discussions with the two governments. These have been going on for some months, including during the recent election campaign and have now reached a new intensity of dialogue.

Our objective is clear - to restore the political institutions and end the crisis in the process.

Consequently, Sinn Féin is pressing for a comprehensive and holistic package, which deals with all of the outstanding matters in a way that is definitive and conclusive.

In our negotiations with the governments, and in our efforts to achieve a package of measures, which will secure progress, we have focused on a number of key issues. These include the need for full participation in the political institutions; the issues of policing and justice, including the transfer of powers to the Assembly; the issue of armed groups and arms, and the issues of human rights, equality and sectarianism.

There are also matters, which are clearly the responsibility of the two governments, as well as issues for the Review.

Sinn Féin is committed to playing a full and productive role in resolving these matters.

This means more challenges ahead for Irish republicans.

This means republicans facing up to these challenges sure in our belief in our republican analysis, and confident in our peace strategy.

The reality is that if the political will exists - and republicans have that political will - then we can all collectively make progress. Consequently, the intense efforts to agree a package must continue until there is an agreement or until we have exhausted all possibilities of agreement.

The decision by the governments to put off intensive negotiations until September means that they have bought into the time-frame set down by the DUP. Once again the governments are allowing unionism to set the pace in the process. This is unacceptable.

There is no reason why the effort to resolve this should be put off for the summer and we will put this directly to the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach when we meet next Friday.

Sinn Féin believes that it is possible to achieve a comprehensive and holistic package, which deals with all of the outstanding matters in a way that is definitive and conclusive. But allowing a party, which has clearly declared itself against the Good Friday Agreement and which refuses to accept and respect the mandates of others at this time should not be allowed to set the pace.

A Can-do Party

For our part we will use our vote wisely. We will not rest on our laurels. Sinn Féin is a can-do party. 342,000 people across this island accept that and gave us their vote.

These votes are not second-class.

Our voters will not be treated as second-class citizens.

Each and every citizen who voted for Sinn Féin is entitled to respect and equality of treatment exactly the same as every other citizen, and this party will be the guarantor of that. Our party accepts criticism. We are not above scrutiny and we welcome debate even of the most vigorous kind. But no-one has the right to question the democratic creditentials of Sinn Féin or our voters. We will work not only for those who voted for us, we will work also for those who did not vote for us.

We also expect the very highest standards from our representatives. We must take our example from the first MP of our generation - Bobby Sands MP and our first TD Kieran Doherty.

We cannot expect to emulate their sacrifices but their integrity, generosity, comradeship and dedication, along with that of Councillor Eddie Fullerton, Cllr John Davey, Cllr Bernard O‚Hagan, Shenna Campbell, Vice President Maire Drumm and the many other members of this party and family members and friends who were killed, are the role models for us today.

Remember that our mandate and the rights of our electorate were won on the sacrifices of others and their families.

And remember also that while elections are about numbers, and seats, our interest, Sinn Féin's electoral interest is in building the political strength necessary to bring about change.

That is why people voted for us.

The motto of the United Irish movement, founded by Wolfe Tone, was one word - Equality. Inequality has thrived in this state as successive governments pursued right-wing policies with vigour.

The reality is, at a time of great wealth the establishment wasn‚t listening to people. It heard people. But it chose to ignore them.

A Real Left Alternative

The opposition parties have been no better. Labour and Fine Gael are already signalling that once again they are considering an alternative coalition government.

Labour has made this mistake before. Three times in the last 60 years Fine Gael was periodically rescued from terminal decline by being put into government by Labour.

People don't want more of the same. If Labour is interested in alternative politics it should work with others to build a real left alternative, instead of concerning itself with getting Ministerial seats. This alternative must also have a progressive and democratic position and strategy on the national question, an issue on which Labour has also been sadly lacking.

Little wonder it has been said that the Labour Party went into the GPO with James Connolly in 1916 and never came out again.

A radical agenda to end inequality and advance the peace process and Irish unity is urgently required. Let me also point up the need for us to support efforts to revive the Irish language. I believe that there are people in every political party who support all or some of these objectives. Certainly every party draws its support from people who have this view. And of course there is that new constituency who support no political party because they see no party capable of delivering on such an agenda. In this election we succeeded in mobilising sections of that vote.

There are good people in every political party on this island and many more outside of the political parties. I believe that everyone who is committed to ending inequality needs to come together in a broad, even at this point, informal alliance for change. This must include not merely political parties but community groups, voluntary organisations, trade unions, rural organisations, campaigning groups and human rights bodies.

A Lot of Work to do

Last week's election was not just about seats for us.

Our success in the future will be judged by the amount of change we bring about. Already there are rumours and speculation that the government is going to change some of its policies. If that is the case then we have already begun to make an impact. This is our time. Sinn Féin doesn‚t have all the answers but we have commitment. We have idealism. And we have strategies.

We also have a lot of work to do. We must use our present mandate as a launching pad to grow an island wide, a nation wide mass Sinn Féin movement.

We have to open our party up to women comrades and to people who will bring their own life experiences and values. I particularly want to commend Ógra Sinn Féin for their dedicated work and enormous contribution. Our goal has to be to have a Sinn Féin cumann in every electoral ward across Ireland.

Next year marks the 100th anniversary of Sinn Féin. We have a year of education, of re-popularising the republican struggle, a year of analysing and learning the lessons of a century in struggle.

We will be launching Coiste Chomóradh an Chéid 'The Centenary Committee' to organise and plan these celebrations.

And then in the same period we will have to reflect on how best to remember and celebrate in 2006 the 25th anniversary of hunger strikes.

We also intend to relaunch An Phoblacht and I want to mark that up as one of the priorities for activists in the time ahead.

So let me thank and commend each and every one of you.

Let me commend all of our workers, our election directors and their directorates, our Finance Department, our Director of Publicity and her team, the Cúige and strategy groups, Friends of Sinn Féin and all of those who contributed in any way to our recent success.

Let me thank especially all of those who vote for us.

On your behalf I also thank every one of our candidates and their families. And to represent them all I want you to welcome Pearse Doherty, Bairbre de Brún and Mary Lou McDonald.

There will be difficult times ahead. We must rise to the challenges before us.

Irish republicans have demonstrated time and time again our capacity to overcome adversity and advance our struggle for freedom and justice against enormous odds.

It is not enough to sloganise. We are not verbalised republicans or rhetorical revolutionaries. We are deadly serious about turning the vision of 1798 and 1916 into a reality.

I believe this generation of Irish republicans will do just that.

It will not be easy. But our responsibility as activists is to make republicanism relevant in our time. This is our time.

So, let us move the struggle forward. Let us keep building our strength. And let us keep our eye on the prize.

The prize of freedom.

Ar aghaidh linn le chéile.

author by michaelpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 11:56author email mich_1967 at hotmail dot comauthor address author phone Report this post to the editors

Anyone know where I can get a large consignment of brown shirts cheap? I think I've identified an organisation I can flog them to.

author by Anthony McIntyrepublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 12:00author address author phone Report this post to the editors

One Of The Nine

The opposite of truth has a hundred thousand faces and an infinite field - Michel Eyquem de Montaigne
Anthony McIntyre • 17 June 2004
Viewing the photograph of a joyous Mary Lou McDonald having her hands triumphantly held aloft by two senior members of the Provisional IRA at a Dublin count centre was an indication in itself of the distance travelled since the beginning of the 1990s when the same men were then being accused of directing a war against the British state and were not allowed broadcasting time even to discuss matters as distant and innocuous as tomato growing in Guernsey. Back then such images would have been met with howls of disdain and venom from a range of hostile forces. RTE’s Charlie Bird may even have led a walkout from his workplace demanding that he and those of his profession continue to be censored, and thus spared having to see or display photos of the IRA sans balaclavas openly celebrating the electoral success of its chosen candidate. But now that such people are embracing what their critics always embraced - and also hurled invective at them for rejecting - such photos have been starved of their shock potential. A victory for the order in capitalist society where those who rule merely wait ‘for cycles of taste to distil out the controversy’ while ruling continues uninterrupted.

There is a certain element of emotional satisfaction to be derived from watching Sinn Fein make the gains that they have in the Republic. The contorted faces of the establishment old guard desperately trying to feign politeness while really longing to retch helps put a smirk on the faces of those who for decades had to endure the self righteous posturing, pouting and preaching of Dublin 4 while it did its utmost to explain the problems besetting the North as an aggregated crime wave. Serious swathes of airtime were set aside so that the organisers of collusion and British state murder could put their views across while their victims were gagged.

Without their sour gobs seeking to split hairs, talk turkey, and pour forth anything other than tell us that the electorate kneed them in the bollix, there would be little else to celebrate. The republicans that they were spitting venom at not too many years back were at that time unlike them in every possible way. So vast was the chasm that separated Dublin 4 from Belfast 12, it seemed that forced proximity on the same island was the only thing both shared in common. Sinn Fein’s victory in last week’s poll would have been delectably sweet were that type of republican to have bloodied the electoral nose of Dublin 4. But it isn’t so. Sinn Fein have learned to love everything they once hated in order to get their snouts in the trough alongside the rest of the oinkers. They now even look, talk, dress and grunt like them. Animal Farm …

Don’t allow the sense of smarting so visible amongst the old guard personalities to fool you as to the nature of the political challenge they are facing. Because changing personalities is what it all boils down to. The political, social and economic landscape is not going to change one iota. The Sinn Fein president, Gerry Adams, may wax radical on television as he tells viewers that people are voting against the disparity in wealth in Southern society. But even if they are, his party has not the slightest intention of doing anything about it. When the party leader and the Irish business elite sat down together, the latter never took to its heels in protest at the measures he promised to introduce if in office. There were no angry criticisms from irate businessmen and women directed towards him in the following day’s papers. He showed them his revolutionary credentials, told them he would be having whatever they were having themselves, and they all raised their glasses and backslapped each other. The business elite intuitively know when they have to deal with that one anti-systemic radical, and show no alarm whatsoever when confronted with any of those nine out of every ten revolutionaries Orwell mocked as social climbers with bombs. And so, as one reputed millionaire addressed a conference room packed with fellow millionaires, he quickly showed them common cause. This from the Irish Times:

Asked about public-private partnerships, he acknowledged that Martin McGuinness had reluctantly accepted the need for private investment while in power in Northern Ireland. "Well, we are against them," he said. "Having said that, Martin McGuinness, as education minister, faced with the reality that he would either have no schools or an involvement in a qualified way with private finance, went for it. So I suppose you could argue that that is the emergence of pragmatic politics." Equally, Sinn Féin's acceptance of service charges in Sligo was justified by Adams, despite all of the party's railings nationally against such bills. "Sinn Féin councillors in Sligo, rather than seeing the service go entirely over to privatisation, and seeing the aged, or people on low incomes, suffering, then went for a more pragmatic approach. The same thing has happened in Monaghan. Our position is against it. But in terms of the actual practicalities of working out these matters, as part of local government, the party made compromises on it," he told the gathering. On taxation, Adams offered soothing words that meant little: "I am reluctant to say that we would do A or we would do B. We are not in principle against tax increases, but we have no plans to introduce them. We just think that there should be a far, far better way of doing business."

If Official Fianna Fail don’t do the business for the business elite then Provisional Fianna Fail will. Sometimes things change in order to remain the same.

author by Johnpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 14:14author address author phone Report this post to the editors

This man lives in a fantasy world. At the 2002 Dail elections they got 7% of the vote. They didn't put up candidates in 8 constituencies and got 8% of the vote in those constituencies where they stood. At the 2004 local elections, despite putting up candidates in almost all areas, they still got just 8% of the vote. Their vote hardly advanced at all between 2002 and 2004, after taking into account the fact that they failed to put up candidates in far fewer areas in 2004 than in 2002 - this despite the fact that local elections are a far more fertile ground for 'protest' votes than Dail elections.
In addition, because they can't get transfers even from other left-wing parties, they always end up with far fewer seats than their vote warrants, both at Dail and local elections - at the 2004 local elections they ended up with just 6% of the seats. In the Euro elections they scraped the last seat in one constituency, taking it from a left-wing green anti-EU anti-American candidate, whose views are even more extreme than their's on many issues. It is clear that Sinn Fein have plateaued at 8% for Dail and local elections and can not go beyond that level. Even their leader, Gerry Adams, dare not run for President in November, fearing humiliation. In addition, they are on the losing side in almost every referendum. This party is a tiny minority 'protest' party. Always has been, always will be. The possibility of them being involved in Government pursuing their manifesto policies is too ridiculous to comment on, although giving them a few junior posts in a coalition with FF and PD might be tolerable, if only as a way of putting manners on them and speeding their demise, since 'protest' parties usually see their vote collapse after even a short spell in Government in no matter how minor a role. Even as a 'protest' party peddling the politics of envy combined with extreme nationalism, they did pathetically compared with similar parties elewhere in the EU. In the UK the UKIP got 19% of the vote and the BNP got 5%. The history of 'protest' parties such as Sinn Fein is that they come in with a bang, quickly find the level at which they plateau, stay at that level for about a decade and then get replaced by another 'protest' party. By definition, the 'protest' vote is always unhappy about something or other, and always seeking change, even in regard to who they vote for as a protest. In contrast, mature responsible parties such as FF and FG are around forever, although obviously with periods when one of them is dominant, followed by periods when the other is dominant. After a decade when FF was dominant, we might well be entering a period when FG is dominant, although that hardly matters as their policies are identical on all major issues. For Sinn Fein,
however, I'd say they are now about halfway thru their 15 minutes of fame, and when they fail to break thru the 8% level at the next Dail election in 2007, that will be the beginning of the end.

author by Mulhuddart voterpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 15:03author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Was Martin Christie there?

author by Watcherpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 16:49author address author phone Report this post to the editors

Dont speculate on shirt futures. I think the SP have enough brown shirts already.

author by jamespublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 16:52author address author phone Report this post to the editors

sf got 8% in the locals where they DIDN'T stand in every constituency they got 11% in the Eu elections where they did stand in each constituency even by your logic if you compare the locals and general election results that's 8% holding. There not going away you know

author by Johnpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 19:32author address author phone Report this post to the editors

They may well be here to stay at around the 8% mark for years to come. But, so what! The system can easily tolerate a fringe grouping with that sort of vote. Most EU countries have fringe groupings with much more than 8%. At 8% any party is a minor irrelevance, it never actually runs things and can be easily ignored by the government. Sinn Fein doesn't run a single thing in this country, either nationally or locally. If Sinn Fein is ever to get a sniff of power, there are only 2 possibilities. One is as part of a broad-left grouping, with Labour, the Greens and various socialist parties. The chances of such a grouping ever getting enough votes to form a government in Ireland is nil. The other is as a very junior partner in an FF/PD-led government. If that happens, all experience shows that at the subsequent election it would be decimated, since by definition 'protest' parties can ony get votes when they are in opposition.

author by juan of luxembourg - merrovinnnngñngjanvanvonjuns.publication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 19:46author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"was once a nation-state political party machine which was the envy of democratic Europe in the 1960s" -
"inherited a nation-state political apparatus which has served its nationalist function as its extra-state base has declined" -
"lost the election" -
"will not go into coalition again with a fringe group which has hastened the decline of extra-state base" -
"will have no option but to do so, if it's role as natural party of government is to continue being credible" -
"has entered the years of Catch XXIII" -
"will not be serving either the greater European or Irish interest if it allows its leader Ahern to pander to Franco-German diplomacy in assisting Tony Blair sell the very well written constitution to the peoples of Engurland, Scotland the brave, Cymru, and the funny shaped bit on the corner of Ireland"-

¿who said that?
¿what would the really valuable bits in between the annoyingly half baked ideas be like?
¿how do you do Cyprus?

author by Saerbhreathachpublication date Mon Jun 21, 2004 23:42author address author phone Report this post to the editors

"We are proud to be Irish republicans in the tradition of Tone and we assert here at this graveside that neither the people of Ireland nor Britain can be truly free or happy while British jurisdiction remains in any part of Ireland."

Hilarious Gerry, tell another!

Sounds like someone's still bitter about their paycut.

If the provos are so against British imperialism in Ireland, than why do they reinforce it so well?

Wolfe Tone on the GFA
Wolfe Tone on the GFA

author by roosterpublication date Thu Aug 19, 2004 13:02author address author phone Report this post to the editors

1. Decommission all illegal arms, hardly needed in a peaceful western democracy in the 21st century.

2. Drop ridiculous marxist left wing policies that have done nothing but impoverish/enslave the peoples of every communist country ever to come into existence.

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